Riots and Demonstrations

The interwar period began with an unstable period of border conflicts, strikes, revolutions, and counterrevolutions. Although the level of violence decreased significantly compared to the period of 1914—1918, there was still a risk of losing one’s life in a brutal manner. Despite a fundamental calming down after 1923, political rivalries could still lead to open conflicts—the May Coup in Poland resulted in the deaths of 379 people, the consolidation of Portuguese dictatorship led to nearly 200 deaths,³ and uprisings against the rule of Dolfuss in Austria in 1934 claimed 500 lives.⁴

The 1930s saw an intensification of the atmosphere of violence, with clashes occurring for both political and social reasons. Importantly, these were often hard to distinguish from each other. In Poland between 1930 and 1935, there were several hundred different incidents and protests in which around 170 people lost their lives.⁵ However, Poland still appeared relatively calm compared to another new republic—in Spain, the democratic experiment of 1931—1936 was associated with nearly 2,800 casualties, with over a thousand losing their lives during the so-called Asturian Revolution (1934).⁶

The high level of violence at that time was due to several reasons. Some were on the side of the authorities—despite certain efforts, governments did not yet have the appropriate police units capable of suppressing demonstrations. Water cannons, now associated with despotism, in a historical perspective saved hundreds of lives. Previously, law enforcement had much more limited scope of action, and in crisis situations, they resorted to firearms. The relatively small number of policemen also contributed to violent reactions. “In absolute numbers, the number of police officers in the years 1936—1939 ranged between 31.7 and 34.4 thousand, which is three times smaller than today’s figures.”⁷ In “hot” moments, such as the pacification of Eastern Lesser Poland, the military was called in for help, but it was not particularly prepared to establish order in a humane manner.

Furthermore, protesters, not to mention open rebels, did not reject violence as such. During the interwar period, a significant portion of political parties—both left and right-wing—had their own paramilitary groups (militias), often uniformed and undergoing military training. However, even ordinary, unaffiliated protesters could succumb to the temptation of a “quick” resolution of the escalating conflict—in stressful conditions, the temptation to reach for firearms could prove irresistible to some. And a single shot had the potential to escalate into a massacre.

Conflicts did not only occur between authorities and demonstrators—clashes between rival party militias were a common occurrence. But not only that—in Malaga, just before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, murders related to a dispute between two fisherman syndicates took place⁸.

After World War II, Europe “calmed down.” Law enforcement agencies underwent further professionalization, and most political factions began to distance themselves from violence. Even in authoritarian states, efforts were made to limit bloodshed—thanks to the mentioned technical and organizational measures, this proved quite effective. The imposition of martial law in Poland in 1981, a massive repressive operation, cost the lives of around sixteen people⁹ — this does not diminish the tragedy of the event, but it is undoubtedly an improvement compared to the conditions before 1939. One of the key factors was also the “twilight” of radical ideologies — relatively few citizens today dream of overthrowing the political or economic system by force.

The year 2008 and the mass protests that followed it became a real test, both for society and law enforcement agencies. It seems that the mutual “civilizing process” has come a long way, as fatalities have become rare—importantly, even tragic incidents were often the result not of premeditated actions, but of accidents (such as gas grenade impacts).¹⁰ Of course, police actions, often brutal, still frequently lead to complaints—especially since some equipment, such as the mentioned tear gas grenades or rubber bullets,¹¹ can still cause serious injuries.¹² “In France between December 2018 and February 2020, twenty-five people lost an eye” during protest suppression.¹³

Nevertheless, there is some cause for optimism, as the illegal elections announced by the regional government of Catalonia in 2017 and the riots associated with them led to the hospitalization of only four people for a few days.¹⁴